Lebanon is not just facing a direct military escalation. It is living through an Israeli-led digital war which is reshaping how people are communicating, what they are thinking and believing in, and how they make decisions during moments of crisis.
One of the most common threats we’ve observed lately as part of the digital war is the intensification of hate speech against displaced people, a sectarian narrative reminiscent of memories from the civil war that we thought was long-gone.
This war is real, and as an active member of the digital rights community, I can tell its contours are already visible.
First, it is widely known that Israel is a leading actor in surveillance technology. This means that their products are used in intelligence missions that aim to intercept communications and map networks. Recent events have already shown that this technology operates not just regionally, but at a global scale. This does not only threaten militaries; it will change how civilians, journalists, and organizations communicate, but also how governments, public institutions, private companies, and whole armies operate.
Second, the rapid expansion of government spyware such as that developed by NSO Group—has been repeatedly documented by organizations such as Citizen Lab, showing how smartphones can be turned into full-fledged surveillance devices. Gaining access to one’s device can give them access to a wide range of personal data, which includes messages, microphones, and cameras, often without user interaction.
The spread of spyware and surveillance tools on a regional level poses a continued risk to Lebanese society, as well as the various fault lines within it.
Third, we are seeing information operations at scale. Major tech platforms have already acknowledged this: Meta and Google have both taken down coordinated networks linked to Israeli actors using fake accounts and AI-generated content to affect public discourse across borders, including in the Arabic-speaking region and in Lebanon. These campaigns are not only intended to persuade, but to confuse, polarize, and create tension among different groups in Lebanon.
Fourth, we’ve previously documented at SMEX evidence of electronic interference, including GPS spoofing and jamming across the Eastern Mediterranean. Aviation authorities, including the UN International Communication Union (ITU) have previously warned of disruptions affecting civilian navigation systems, like Google maps. This also serves as another piece of evidence that the digital war can directly affect physical safety and mobility.
Finally, many incidents we are witnessing point to the possibility that day-to-day technologies, from communication devices to other systems, are being used as weapons of war. This effectively blurs the line between digital and physical attacks.
The digital war is not only constrained to hacking systems and devices. It is about controlling and manipulating the flow of information, and reinforcing the existing lack of trust within the social fabric of our society.
Unfortunately, we are already inside the war, and as citizens, we need to start acting responsibly.
Our responses remain fragmented as we continue to treat these incidents as events isolated from one another. Cyberattacks, mis/disinformation, hate speech, and tech disruption are part of a larger coordinated ecosystem designed to pressure our society.
A shift in our approach is needed
The Lebanese government must first establish a unified crisis communication unit to look at Lebanon’s digital infrastructure. During war specifically, the government must work to improve telecom resilience, and seek better engagement with global institutions to ensure faster response and provide better protections for citizens.
Socially, a lot still needs to be done, especially when it comes to building a culture of digital awareness. We also need to improve the individual security and safety of users, and that by starting to recognize that not everything we see or hear online is true, and not every viral message is spread organically.
A bigger responsibility falls on journalists, activists, and civil society organizations. Stronger digital security practices are no longer an option, but a must.
That said, the Government of Lebanon bears the biggest responsibility in all of it. While individuals can take the necessary safeguards to protect their personal data, the country still lacks a robust framework for the data protection of individuals. The cybersecurity system is also very fragile.
Lebanon has long been a frontline for regional conflict. Today, that frontline has expanded into the digital space, where control is exercised not only through force, but through visibility, influence, and an impactful disruption.
Recognizing the digital front of the war is the first step. What matters now is responding to it as an active and consequential reality.
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